What’s a Nobel Prize Worth?

17 10 2011

At the Local Level, What’s a Nobel Peace Prize Worth?GOOD Magazine, 10 October 2011

2011 Peace Prize Winner Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf struggles toward re-election.

After a storm, Liberia is beautiful. The West African country founded by freed American slaves is better known for 14 years of civil war that introduced child soldiers into the global lexicon, and sent ripples of toxic violence throughout the region. The storm has passed. From the rooftop of the gorgeous-but-gutted Ducor Hotel, you can see the nation’s potential: ports and rubber and abundant human resources. On the simple roads outside the capital, Monrovia, abandoned stone houses host ambitious, climbing plants—a metaphor for post-conflict Liberia if ever there was one.

The people of Liberia head to the polls Tuesday to elect a new government. Their second vote since civil war might have passed into the obscurity of distant democracy if the incumbent president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, hadn’t been awarded a Nobel Peace Prize last week. The citation, honoring her and two other female activists from Yemen and Liberia, gave confidence to advocates for a global feminism, particularly in the developing world. It also revived a debate about foreign intervention in a country struggling to normalize local institutions and exercise free choice.

The morning after the Nobel announcement, Monrovia’s city hall wore a hastily printed banner congratulating Sirleaf on her peace prize. Sirleaf’s opponent, George Weah, a famous former footballer and vice presidential candidate of the CDC party, quickly tamped down the hype. “She won it but I don’t know for what,” he told reporters. Winston Tubman, who is leading the CDC ticket, went further: “She does not deserve it. She is a warmonger,” he said, adding that the Nobel committee made “a provocative intervention within our politics.”

In the west, Sirleaf is well known as a canny, Harvard-credentialed activist who represents female power in a region where it’s often missing. She has long been welcome in Washington and at the Clinton Global Initiative, and a good deal of foreign investment in Liberia—from a Firestone tire plant to a mining project operated by Arcelor Mittal—can be traced to Sirleaf’s Rolodex. Her supporters believe this is great news for Liberia. “She’s been at the World Bank. This isn’t even a big job for her,” said Tulay Hansford, a 31-year old working on HIV awareness. “The world is dollar-driven, and she can play in that world … we are grateful for it.”

Elsewhere, Sirleaf’s reputation as a member of the global elite hurts her; few Liberians have heard of Davos. While some residents welcomed a positive story from Liberia, one Monrovian, who does not support Sirleaf, questioned whether the Nobel Prize committee had ever visited his country. “We talk about peace and reconciliation and it’s not here,” says Gayflor Mulba, a part-time student supporting the CDC. “She has failed to reconcile the Liberian people.” Another detractor chimed in, “No one with blood on their hands should control this country,” referring to Sirleaf’s admission of funding violent efforts to oust former dictator Charles Taylor. He called Sirleaf a rebel fighter “just like myself.”

The difference between international reverence and local skepticism can be jarring, but is just the beginning. This election, widely supposed to be headed for a runoff, will have resonance far beyond Liberia. First, it’s a test for female empowerment. The women of Liberia were essential to electing Sirleaf the first female president on the continent. Any crossover to the opposition party could be bad news for Sirleaf and other women running for office.

Second, it’s a rare change election in Africa. Recent analysis from The Economist showed just a trickle of successful transitions between parties in the region. The Mo Ibrahim foundation today announced its prize for good governance in Africa—which hasn’t been awarded since 2008. The world will be watching to see if Liberia can handle democracy more gracefully than its peers.

And, most importantly, it’s a referendum on the relationship between democracy and real progress. The opposition CDC party is making a populist push for change based on the Reaganism: “Are you better off than you were six years ago?” The answer is ambiguous. Residents credit Sirleaf for maintaining stability and improving security after endless war, but still suffer obscene shortages in clean water, electricity, fuel and formal employment—80 percent of the population is officially jobless. A Nobel Prize doesn’t feed the people—and young Liberians like 24-year-old Ben Joseph expect tangibles. “So many of us don’t have jobs or money to go to school, or to survive,” he said. “I need the government to work.”

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Dialing Up Development

29 06 2011

“Dialing Up Development,” Special to CNN, 23 June 2011.

There’s been lots of excitement about mobile phone apps in Africa, but what about using voice?

The global explosion of mobile phone technology has spawned a host of applications, products and services facilitating development outcomes from financial inclusion to improved maternal health. While these innovations have proven an essential lifeline for the world’s most vulnerable, most ignore the basic function of a mobile phone – its voice capacity.

A service called “I-Call” aims to solve the problem of education in Africa and other developing regions of the world by getting back to basics.

The organization helps to produce innovative educational modules that use phone calls to impart useful information on topics such as antenatal care giving or environmental stewardship. Callers in Kenya, for example, will hear a story featuring two household workers debating how and whether to separate their trash. The script, titled “Gold from Garbage,” takes a chatty, telenovella formatintended to promote the country’s nascent recycling program.

The service provides a unique twist on traditional – and frustrating – automated voice menus. While many customer service calls require users to punch numbers and symbols in search of a live voice, “I-Call” is transforming that head-banging experience into a meaningful development solution. When prompted, listeners can navigate a “choose your own adventure” set of options that invites users to complete the story.

The system is notable for bypassing traditional pedagogical methods such as textbooks and lectures as well as traditional media such as radio, print articles, or pamphlets distributed by eager NGOs. The voice-based system builds on the familiarity of oral storytelling, and can reach individuals with specialized learning needs who may have left the formal education sector years ago.

“We deal with awareness raising, attitude and behavior change, things like that,” says Arndt Bubenzer, whose Common Sense consultancy developed the software behind I-Call. “We asked: How do we get an m-learning tool out to a large number of people without them being able to read or write?”

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Technology and Nigerian Elections

17 04 2011

“Change They Can Almost Believe In,” Slate, 14 April 2011.

How Nigerian voters are using technology to prove a point.

LAGOS, Nigeria—In a series of national elections this month, Nigerians will exercise democratic rights that recent events around Africa—from Egypt and Libya to the Ivory Coast—have revealed as precious. But for many citizens of the continent’s most populous country, democracy is often beside the point. State-neglected roads breed traffic and hurt commerce, but in cities, young men plug the gap, selling everything from wine glasses to fresh apples in traffic. Frequent power outages darken homes, factories, and stores—but those who can afford it simply buy a generator. For Nigerians living in poverty, extended clan and religious networks are more reliable safety nets than a national legislature that has passed only 10 substantive bills since 2007.

That is to say life in Nigeria has a certain “do it yourself” charm. To put this in perspective: The United States recently engaged in a pearl-clutching debate over a government shutdown that didn’t even happen. Nigeria’s most recently elected president went missing from November 2009 to February 2010—and then died.

Not that there wasn’t an uproar. But the Nigeria I know prefers steely self-reliance to, say, Tunisian-style protests—and could be forgiven for shrugging off this year’s vote. Incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan of the ruling People’s Democratic Party, who took office last year after the aforementioned death of President Umaru Yar Adua, is widely expected to win a full term as president on Saturday. (The PDP has, in fact, never lost an election since the end of military rule in 1999.) Plus, it’s hot outside.

At the same time, most Nigerians I talk to are out to prove that Nigeria can, in fact, do democracy—especially after the 2007 “election” (plagued by ballot-box snatching and more) that was roundly criticized by international monitors. And so there are 67 million citizens registered to vote this weekend, a whopping 88 percent of the eligible population. The major increase has been attributed to the youngest quintile of the electorate: the 18-30 year olds who are perhaps most frustrated with the fatalism and dysfunction of the past.

“People felt like the government was just taking advantage of their silence,” says Nosarieme Garrick, who runs a Nigerian youth organization called Vote or Quench. “Now people are taking charge of their civic responsibility.”

“We’re tired of what the country is,” says Tony Bassey, a 25-year-old member of Nigeria’s National Youth Corps helping to monitor a Lagos polling unit. “Four years ago I wasn’t involved at all … but if you keep saying [politics are] dirty, you can never make it clean.”

The contrast between potential and performance is fascinating in Nigeria—the fourth-fastest growing economy in the world. Nigeria is a major oil exporter whose sagging infrastructure still requires it to import petroleum for local use. The country expertly polices most of the African continent, in military operations from Sierra Leone to Sudan—yet can’t squash poisonous regional tensions over oil and religion. Visiting Lagos in March, Bill Clinton remarked that “there is no reason why a country with so much resources and potential should be poor.”

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From Africa, With Love

23 02 2011

“From Africa, With Love,” The Daily, 14 February 2011.

Why Valentine’s Day is the ultimate African holiday.

The road to Kitengela in southeastern Kenya is dotted with cement factories, scrub brush and the occasional zebra. Turning off the main road, the dust settles, revealing acres of billowing greenhouses that host the flowers that will be sold this Valentine’s Day.

Between chocolate from the west coast and roses from the east coast, love is a big business in Africa.

Globally, almost 200 million rose stems are sold on Valentine’s Day—and most lovers have no idea that their holiday gifts are grown in African soil. Arwin Patil, manager for Prima Rosa Flowers, which plants 70 hectares near Kitengela, says their farm produces 400,000 stems daily—and has taken orders for two million flowers this Valentine’s Day. Of western cluelessness, he says, “yes, flowers come from Kenya, but how would they know that?”

But the international trade in cut flowers has long been an east African specialty. In Tanzania, Ethiopia and Kenya, hundreds of smallholder flower companies harvest roses, carnations, lilies and chrystanthemums for bulk export. Each day, massive airliners head from the horn of Africa to Amsterdam, Geneva, New York or Dubai—bearing bouquets for special occasions halfway around the world.

While Africans are fueling today’s romantic rendezvous, the growers who pick and sell flowers don’t believe in love so much as opportunity. Agriculture accounts for about a quarter of Kenya’s GDP, with nearly three fourths of the population depending on the sector directly or indirectly. In central Nairobi, a vendor named Kingoro trims thorns from a stack of roses. He’s single, but still, he says, “Valentine’s day is good to me.” He sells stems of lilies and birds of paradise, and roses in ribbon-wrapped baskets for the equivalent of 45 dollars a pop. Of the booming international flower trade, he says, “It’s good for them to support us.”

While many American roses are grown in California, east Africa is the largest supplier of roses to the EU—a significant contributor to regional income generation and economic development. The industry has accounted for $300 million in Kenya’s foreign exchange earnings, and new, African-owned farms are blooming across the border in Ethiopia and Tanzania. The World Bank has begun using the east African flower industry as a template for other industrial policies in the region.

And while nothing says Valentine’s Day like a bouquet of red roses, a heart shaped box is never far behind. And on the west coast of Africa, chocolate is king.

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Meet Maria Otero

21 01 2011

Hillary’s Human Rights Warrior,” The Daily Beast, 10 December 2010.

The State Department’s highest-ranking Latina handles the biggest problems on the planet.

Maria Otero represents an international powerbroker in a world increasingly skeptical of its role. As American undersecretary for Democracy and Global Affairs, she has a historic workload. Her mandate includes, essentially, the problems too big for the U.S. to solve on its own. On her agenda: nothing less than refugees, human rights, science and technology, and climate change. A few months ago, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton—her boss—added the issue of global water security to the pile. And on Human Rights Day this week, Otero led the charge for freedom—while trying to reconcile U.S. talk with its actions at home and abroad.

 

No big deal.

In the hectic world of 21st-century diplomacy, Otero is unusually calm, and very frank about the pros and cons of representing America. “Obviously we know that the U.S. is a superpower and that the U.S. position holds a lot of influence,” she says, sitting in her well-appointed office in Foggy Bottom. “But what [other countries] appreciate most is our ability to work through the multilateral agencies and mechanisms that we set up… We see other countries welcoming that approach, rather than a more unilateral approach that the U.S. followed during the Bush years.”

The Bolivian-born Otero made history in 2009 when she became the highest-ranking Latina in Clinton’s State Department.

A petite brunette with a shock of gray in her hair, Otero speaks four languages and wields a sarcastic wit as well as serious street cred from her time running Accion International, the largest microfinance institution in the world. One of nine children, she’s now one of a team of high-powered women at the State Department (Director of Policy Planning Anne-Marie Slaughter, Undersecretary for Public Affairs Judith McHale, and Ambassador-at-Large for women’s issues Melanne Verveer) whom Clinton has hired to change the face of American foreign policy.

Otero—whose first job after moving to the U.S. at age 12 was working at a Giant supermarket in upper Northwest Washington, D.C.—turns out to be the perfect proxy for the woman who hired her. “She’s strong, capable, focused and she’s an industry builder,” says Jacqueline Novogratz, the CEO of the Acumen Fund, who has known Otero for years. “What you see is what you get—that’s how she is all the time.”

While the secretary of State spends much of her time working on nuclear treaties, Mideast peace and the other trappings of hard-headed realpolitik, State Department officials acknowledge that Otero’s portfolio—focusing on women, the poor, and other vulnerable populations—are those that are closest to her heart.

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Guarding State’s Secrets

4 12 2010

Guarding the State Department’s Secrets,” The Daily Beast, 2 December 2010.

Behind the scenes of Wikileaks, State’s office of eDiplomacy has been working for more, not less transparency.

Two days after what the Italian foreign minister called “the 9/11 of world diplomacy,” the State Department’s counteroffensive was in full swing. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had launched a frantic damage control operation, reaching out to world leaders whose feathers had been ruffled by public disclosure of American diplomats’ blunt private assessments of them. Calls went out across the globe to atone for what Clinton termed “an attack on the international community.”

But here on the sixth floor of State Department headquarters, in the office of eDiplomacy, the atmosphere was comparatively calm. Here, a team of 60 is hard at work modernizing the way American diplomats talk to each other confidentially. Here, cables of the sort currently wreaking havoc among America’s allies and enemies alike no longer exist—replaced by a highly secure system dubbed Diplopedia, by which ambassadors and their staffs can compare notes, pass tips—and yes, offer withering reads on the objects of their diplomatic entreaties.

Of course no system is fool-proof, and it’s hard to stop an inside job—the working theory of how State’s cache of sensitive cables wound up in the newspaper. But the leaders of the eDiplomacy initiative are confident their project will make the department’s internal traffic far more secure. “Our security gurus have spent a ton of time making sure that system is buttressed, and I don’t know we’ve had many attacks. That is our firewall against the outside,” says Richard Boly, director of eDiplomacy.

“The cables are a mid-20th century technology,” says Bruce Burton, who has been with State since 1975. Boly estimates that the all-text, point to point cable system that carried the WikiLeaks revelations represents only 10 percent of communications. “We retained it because people are familiar with it…. But with the end of the Cold War and 9/11 the realization was that we had a real information management problem and we needed to do much better.”

Today Diplopedia, which is accessible only from secure State Department servers, has nearly 13,000 articles created by 4,000 employees. It hosts unclassified pages titled “Assignment Iraq,” “Keeping Your Principal Informed,” Crisis Management” and “A Foreign Desk Officer Survival Guide.” Pages on another internal site, “Communities,” offer in-depth coverage of regions, embassies and topics of the kind transmitted over official cables. One community page, “Japan Economic Scope,” provides daily updates on “Business and Energy” and “Politics and Reform.” “It’s incredibly intrapreneurial and entrepreneurial at the same time,” says Raina Kumra, a senior new media adviser for State.

On Monday, as news of Wikileaks rocketed around the department, a page popped up on Diplopedia offering guidance on how to handle the fallout. The page, seeded by the eDiplomacy team, includes the unclassified situation reports and other resources, including outside web links to Wikileaks, says Boly. “It’s a place where you can point people. Because it’s a wiki, if someone finds something new, they can add it.”

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Googling Africa

22 11 2010

“Googling Africa,” Foreign Policy, 24 October 2010.

The American tech giant is diving into Africa–but are locals interested?

The Google office in South Africa is no different from the Google office in Washington — from the outside. Tucked into a sprawling, high-tech office park in Johannesburg, Google’s hip, young Africa team has taken the company’s beanbag-chairs-and-jeans culture global. But in practice, their mission is different — and far more difficult. They’re out to prove that Google can be an African verb.

Since 2007, the American search giant has entered the African market head first, establishing offices in Lagos, Accra, Johannesburg, Dakar, and Kampala, with its largest presence in Nairobi. It has placed a premium on improving access to the Internet and importing its well-known suite of applications (Maps, Gmail, Books, Chat) to African users. It has held six “G-Africa” gatherings designed to build the brand among local webheads, most recently in Kenya, with another planned for Cape Town in November. But despite all the money and attention Google is pouring into the continent, some developers and engineers here say that the company doesn’t quite “get” Africa. Within the vibrant, competitive, and decentralized African tech space, Google is going to have to do more than just show up.

Just as other multinational companies have discovered in recent years, Google knows that there is a lot of money to be made in urbanizing, newly wired African markets. In June, consulting firm McKinsey concluded that rates of return on investment in Africa are higher than in any other developing region. Since then, global banks and corporations have brokered regional mergers and acquisitions worth more than $15 billion.

When it comes to Western tech companies, Google is unmistakably ahead of the curve. While Finnish Nokia and Canadian BlackBerry have offices and research centers in Africa, Silicon Valley darlings like Apple, Facebook, and Twitter don’t have a single warm body on the continent.

This commitment to Africa has produced some exciting firsts. Google Earth’s high-resolution satellite imagery was central to the recent excavation of new hominid fossils in South Africa. Browsers in Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, and Senegal can search in the Amharic, Shona, and Wolof languages, respectively. “The whole goal of the Africa team is to make the Internet an integral part of African lives,” says Bridgette Sexton, a Google development manager who helps organize the G-Africa program.

In many ways, Google is well suited to the challenge. An Internet company can circumvent bad roads, casual corruption, and limited purchasing power — the traditional barriers to doing business in Africa. In a region where there are 10 times more cell phones than desktop computers, Google is piloting its recently announced “Mobile First” strategy, with strong results: The company recently took a prize from the Mobile World Congress for “best use of mobile for social and economic development” for creating Africa-specific applications like “SMS Tips,” which answers questions on health or agriculture sent through text messages, and “Google Trader,” which matches small businesses and buyers in real time. “Everyone in Africa is a power phone user,” says Stefan Magdalinski, head of Mocality, an online directory for businesses in the region. “No matter how [simple] your phone is, you know every feature, every application, and you use every one.”

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What Happened to Michelle Obama?

2 11 2010

“Could Michelle Have Helped Dems?” The Daily Beast, 1 November 2010.

The first lady once known as “The Closer”  went missing this election year.

At rallies today in Pennsylvania and Nevada, First Lady Michelle Obama—known as “The Closer” on the 2008 campaign trail—is making a last-ditch closing argument for the Democrats.

She’s hit eight cities in the last two weeks, emerging from months of political hibernation—OK, speaking out for healthy food and better schools—in an 11th-hour push aimed at staving off a scheduled landslide. Making whistle stops in New York, California, Illinois, Colorado, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Washington State, she’s determined to rally the base. “We can’t stop now; we’ve come too far,” she told a dinner crowd in Seattle—adding a “Yes we can!” fist pump as an afterthought.

If anybody can, Michelle can—at least on paper. At a time when her husband’s approval rating has plummeted, hers stand strong at 70 percent—making her one of the most popular figures in Washington. And she appeals to a crucial constituency—female voters, a decisive bloc this fall. “She’s a terrific asset to Democrats this cycle,” says Jen Bluestein, communications director at Emily’s List. It helps that Mrs. Obama projects that purple glow her husband used to talk about. “She’s very popular with Democrats but she’s also increasingly popular with Republicans and Independents,” adds Hari Sevugan, a spokesperson for the Democratic National Committee.

But on the trail, Obama has yet to embrace the trend toward bare-knuckled female political empowerment.

Which raises a tough question: Could the country’s most popular female political figure have started earlier, shouted louder, and helped turn the straying sisters around? Or has the first lady—who famously coined the title “mom-in-chief”—relinquished the feminist brand, to the detriment of the Democrats?

As far as the East Wing is concerned, Obama has played ball. “She always wants to be value added toward what the administration is doing,” says Katherine McCormick-Lelyveld, Obama’s press secretary. “The midterms are a key part of that.”

But “She’s become perhaps more guarded and more cautious in her presentation,” says Patrice Yursik, a black beauty blogger who attended a California women’s conference at which Michelle Obama spoke last month. “There was no mention that we’re even in an election season.”

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Condoleezza Rice Interview

22 10 2010

“Condoleezza Tells Her Story,” The Daily Beast, 20 October 2010.

The Ex-Secretary of State clears her throat on race, George W. Bush and the Tea Party.

From her view of the Tea Party movement (surprisingly sympathetic) to an endorsement of Hillary Clinton’s performance in the job she once held, Condoleezza Rice fired up her book tour Wednesday night with a spirited conversation at a dinner hosted by The Daily Beast and Credit Suisse. Though her just-released Extraordinary, Ordinary People: A Memoir of Family departs from the standard trope of revelatory White House gossip (that will be coming in a second book), Rice tackled many of the hot-button issues in the current election cycle.

Since leaving government in 2009, it’s easy to imagine that Condoleezza Rice has become just another civilian. But the piano playing, figure-skating, sports enthusiast Soviet expert has never been just another anything. Indeed, interviewed on stage by Daily Beast editor in chief Tina Brown what she had learned about herself in writing her memoir, Rice acknowledged the downside of being a child prodigy. “I was a bit of a brat,” she says with a laugh. “My parents had to put up with a lot.”

But while her life and rise to power is an extraordinary American story—her father taught one of the girls killed in the Birmingham church bombing of 1963—even Rice didn’t seem interested in sticking to the “family memoir” script.

On stage, she launched a fairly robust defense of, if not the Tea Party itself, the sentiments behind it: “I certainly don’t agree with everything said by the Tea Party,” she said. “I see people saying the conversation in Washington and the conversation in the rest of the country is not the same conversation… Listen Washington: Out here we’re losing something that’s very essential to being American.”

She likewise brought up—unprompted—this week’s resignation of Michelle Rhee, the controversial chancellor of the Washington DC public school system. “When we’re living in a country where I can look at your zip code and know whether or not you’re getting a good education, somebody ought to be angry,” she said at the dinner, held in Credit Suisse’s New York tower off Madison Park.

The passionate engagement with education reform is not surprising: Rice, who serves presently as a professor at Stanford University, comes from a family with generations of experience as educators and academics. “My parents and my grandparents believe that if you have a good education you are going to be armored against all the bad things that can happen to you,” she told the crowd, which included Joel Klein, chancellor of the New York City Department of Education and Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr., along with Barbara Walters, Christiane Amanpour, Andrea Mitchell,  Pete Peterson, and a host of others on hand for the Daily Beast’s dinner series celebrating women of stature.

Indeed, there are a number of connections between her demanding, Republican home in Birmingham and the most pressing issues in contemporary politics.

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Tearing Down Israeli Walls

20 10 2010

“Tearing Down Jerusalem’s Walls,” The Daily Beast, 18 October 2010.

The prizewinning documentary Budrus allows Israelis and Palestinians to imagine peace.

The first thing I learned in Jerusalem: “There are glass walls all over this city that Israelis and Palestinians don’t cross.” So says Daniel Seidemann, an Israeli lawyer who has been monitoring tensions in the holy city for 30 years. There are real fences as well—after grapes and olives, the region’s most fruitful crop is barbed wire—but on my first trip to Israel and the Palestinian territories, organized by the New America Foundation, I saw virtual barriers eclipse the official ones.

We visited the once-bustling center of Hebron, a major Palestinian city reduced to chilly silence by a policy of curfews and checkpoints known as “sterilization.” A young Palestinian vendor named Islam tagged along until we hit the invisible glass; he fell back while we walked onto the land he cannot touch. Mikhael Menkin, a former IDF soldier leading our group, was unfazed. “We’re at a point where nobody has to say anything or do anything—we know our roles.”

Budrus, a prizewinning new documentary produced by nonprofit Just Vision, intends to break the glass. The film begins in 2004, as bulldozers rumble toward the sleepy town of Budrus. “We must empty our minds of traditional thinking,” local leader Ayed Morrar tells the villagers, distraught that the wall dividing Israel from the West Bank will uproot their olive groves and cleave their cemetery. Over 10 months, the men and women of Budrus stage 60 nonviolent protests, which gain Israeli and international support—and stop the wall. The film, screened at a host of international festivals and released in major American cities this month, is uplifting, despite its subject matter.

As the United States-led peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority stall out, the message of Budrus is sorely needed. Though there hasn’t been a suicide bombing in Israel in more than two years, mutual suspicions still run deep. Members of the far-right Zionist community justified the building of settlements on Palestinian lands with continual reference to “Arab riots” in the mid-20th century. And, walking through the gentrifying, historically Arab neighborhood of Ajami at the southern tip of Tel Aviv, a young student stopped to glare. When our guide, Ph.D. student Sami Abu Shehade, greeted him in Arabic, the child laughed and answered back: “Why didn’t you say you were Arab?” “And what if I wasn’t?” Sami replied. We discovered the answer to that question moments later, when another boy hurled a rock at our foreign bodies.

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